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stronger and more widespread will be the faith in the power of the Party. And in war, as we know, the important thing is to inspire belief in one's strength not only in one's own army, but also in the enemy and the neutrals. Benevolent neutrality may sometimes decide an issue. Given such an organization, based upon a firm theoretical foundation and having the Social Democratic organs at its disposal there will be no cause to fear that the movement will be diverted from its course by the numerous "foreign" elements which are attracted to it (on the contrary, we see today how, owing to our amateurishness, many Social Democrats are placing excessive emphasis on the "Credo," imagining themselves to be the only true Social Demoerats). In a word, specialization necessarily presupposes, and in fact demands, centralization.

But B-v. while so excellently describing the necessity for specialization, fails in our opinion to give it its proper value in the second part of his argument. He says that the number of revolutionaries of working class origin is not enough. That is absolutely true; "the valuable information of a close observer" fully bears out our own view of the causes of the present crisis in the Social Democratic Party and of the means to cure it. Not only are the revolutionaries behind the elemental movement of the masses in general, but even the revolutionary workers are behind the elemental movement of the working class masses. This fact is glaringly confirmed by the not merely stupid, but even politically