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a Trade Union Workers’ Organization" of October, 1900. The fundamental error contained in both these statutes is that they give a detailed formulation of a wide workers' organization and confuse the latter with the organization of revolutionaries. Let us take the second statutes since it is worked out at greater length. The body of it consists of fifty-two paragraphs: Twenty-three paragraphs deal with structure, the method of conducting business, and the competence of the "workers’ circles," which are to be organized in every factory ("Not more than ten persons") and which elect "central (factory) groups." "The central group," paragraph 2 runs, "watches all that takes place in its factory or workshop and keeps a record of events" . . . . "The central group gives a monthly report to the contributors on the state of the funds" (§17) etc. Ten paragraphs are devoted to the "district organization" and nineteen, to the highly complex connection between the "Committee of the Workers' Organizations" and the "Committee of the Petersburg Fighting Union" (elected by each district and by the "executive groups"—"groups of propagandists for maintaining contact with the provinces and with foreign countries and for managing stores, publications and funds").

In respect of the economic struggle of the workers, Social Democracy—"executive groups"! It would be difficult to demonstrate more clearly how far the ideas of the economists on the question of trade unionism deviate from Social Democracy,