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national personalities and their independence, our two countries find themselves to-day associated with our powerful Allies to defend that conception of the free and democratic State which Greece, to her immortal honour, was the first to put into practice, and, attached to a common ideal of liberty, they are carried forward on parallel lines of advance. Owing to their geographical situation, both projecting as they do into the Mediterranean, which is the principal scene of their peoples’ activity, they have, in fact, the same problems to solve in order to guarantee their independence and their security; the essential conditions of their development and their prosperity are governed by the same laws. We are traversing a grave period. Our eyes are fixed, especially at the present moment, on frontiers where the waves of the enemy are breaking against the heroic fronts of our defenders. But our absolute confidence in the victory of the Allied armies enables us, in view of our mutual interests, to begin at once to cultivate every seed, to strengthen every element that is indispensable to our future relations, against the coming of that just and durable peace which we all desire, and which is the purpose of the war. I have undertaken my mission animated by the most lively desire to contribute to the end that, in all circumstances, the views of our two Governments may be identical, and that their relations may reflect the sincerity of their sentiments.”

King Alexander replied in the following words:—

“I am very happy to receive from your hands the letters by which His Majesty the King of Italy, your august sovereign, has graciously accredited you to my court in the capacity of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary. I thank you sincerely for the words that you have just spoken, and I wish to assure you, in the name of my Government, that the sentiments you have so eloquently expressed correspond entirely to those of the Hellenic nation towards the noble nation of Italians. Sprung from the same glorious civilisation, inspired by the same ideal of liberty, following similar destinies, it is quite natural that our two countries should find themselves to-day side by side, with their powerful Allies, in the rude struggle of the free and democratic nations. Sustained by the heroic resistance of the Allied armies and the exemplary self-sacrifice of their peoples, our faith in the final triumph of our cause remains unshaken in spite of the gravity of the hour. In that faith we can look forward to the adjustment of our relations in the future; we can devote all our efforts to prepare the ground as favourably as possible. Italy and Greece have more in common than their institutions and their aspirations; they are united by a large number of common interests by reason of their neighbouring situation, by reason of their geographical configuration and the peculiar conditions of their existence. If we fully grasp this fact it will be easy to adjust our political and economic relations in accordance with the traditional friendship of two peoples whose mutual understanding and affection is destined to result in a fruitful collaboration. My Government asks nothing better than to realise such a policy as promptly and as completely as possible. Let me assure you that, in the accomplishment of your task, you will have my entire support and the sincere co-operation of my Government.”

[On the occasion of the Prince of Wales’s visit to Rome last month two companies of the newly-formed Czecho-Slovak Army formed part of his special guard of honour; and it is perhaps not surprising that this fact should have caused a profound sensation in Vienna. The following extracts from a leading article in the Neue Freie Presse of 6 June are of especial interest, because they were at first prohibited, and subsequently released, by the Austrian censor.]

“The Prince of Wales visited the King of Italy on the anniversary of Italy’s declaration of war. . . . Two Czech companies, which had only reached Rome