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Czechs and Jugoslavs protested in vain, demanding representation at these negotiations. Following upon the decree of the French Republic with regard to the formation of an autonomous Czecho-Slovak army in France, a great Constituent Assembly of all Czech Deputies was held in Prague on 6 January, at which the Czecho-Slovak national programme of full independence was again emphasised in a resolution which, in Dr. Seidler’s words, was conceived in a spirit absolutely hostile to Austria, and which did not contain even a distant echo of dynastic or State allegiance. In February four Czech parties were amalgamated into one party, called the “Czech Independence Democracy,” under the leadership of Dr. Kramář. Two months later Klofáč’s party, which was hitherto a radical nationalist party, officially accepted international socialism and changed its name from “National Social” to “the Czech Socialist Party,” thereby preparing the final amalgamation with the Social Democrats. Thus, party politics are being simplified and the internal unity of the nation strengthened.

On 2 April Count Czernin delivered the famous speech which brought about his downfall, and in which he fiercely denounced the Czech leaders, accused them of high treason, and called them “Masaryks.” At the same time he alleged that the Czech people as a whole were loyal to Austria. The Czech leaders did not refute his first charge of high treason and identity of views with Masaryk. Indeed, the Lidové Noviny openly declared: “We are proud to be called traitors.” But they vehemently protested against the second allegation; and in order to prove that the whole Czecho-Slovak nation unanimously stands behind its leaders in their struggle for independence they summoned a large Assembly to Prague for 13 April, at which some 6,000 delegates and representatives of all parties and classes participated. The Assembly took unanimously a solemn oath declaring that the whole nation will hold on until the victory of Right over Might. The Assembly also confirmed Czech solidarity with the Jugoslavs, who sent their delegates to Prague for that occasion.

Immediately afterwards Czernin resigned. The grip of Prussia on Austria was tightened. “Strong men” were again installed in Vienna and Budapest, the Reichsrat was adjourned until June, and Bohemia was threatened with partition by arbitrary Imperial decrees. Undismayed, the Czechs continued on their chosen path. On 1 May demonstrations were held all over Bohemia which were not only of a social, but pre-eminently of a national character. Furthermore, the Rome Conference of Oppressed Nationalities had a direct repercussion in Central Europe, since it enabled the Czechs to organise a similar Congress in Prague on 16 May on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the opening of the National Theatre. The Slovenes alone sent over 100 delegates to that festival, including Deputies Ravničar, Ribář, and Dr. Pogačnik. There were delegates of the Croatian Starčević Party, as well as the Jugoslav leaders, Count Vojnović, S. Radić, and Mr. Hribar; Serbian dissidents like Dr. Budisavljević, Pribičević, and Šunarvić; Mr. Šola from Bosnia; and the Mayor of Zagreb, Dr. Srpulje. There were seventeen Italians, with the Deputy Signor Conci at their head. The Roumanians from Transylvania