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apt, quotations. His facts are always bureaucratic, of the census, of import and export, of facilities of transport and the like. The book is a perfect manual for the would-be exploiter whether political or mercantile. He sees nothing, apparently, in any country, save an opportunity for organisation by the class to which he himself belongs. He is nov im-moral in his geographical outlook: he is merely un-moral or sub-moral, as un-moral as nature herself.

Let us hear what, after his long viceroyalty, he has to say regarding the future of India :

“That the British Government would be able to prevent famine in India, the people and the climate being what they were, within any time they could measure,

| he thought extremely unlikely. That they would seriously reduce the frequency of famines he hoped was probable.”

And here for once we agree with Lord Curzon. That the British Government may seriously reduce the frequency of famines in “India can only at best be regarded as a pious hope. That they will or ever could, things being what they are, do anything to prevent them, we, with him, think “extremely unlikely.”

Every civilised country has long recognised the duty of the State to provide free educa- tion to all children living therein, and compell those to attend school who might not desire to do so, The British Indian Government

jhas not yet done its duty in this respect. The Imperial Government has no doubt invited the Provincial Governments to express their opinions on the subject; but it is not known when the decision of the former will be published. Inthe meantime let us try to see clearly what the consequences of free education given by the state ina subject country ike India are likely to be. The first result would probably be the disappearance of all private primary schools, unless, of course, individuals or associations maizb:ned su. institutions of their own. It is r sto ‘ious thet in recent yearsall vernacular tex=-i) 10ks have been so expurgated or written tc orcer as ne,

- to contain a single sentence or casage thi .

breathes heroism and patriotism, =uc fills tl e mind witha desire to serve th= motherlav and assert national rights. Histcry 1as been and in future will be distorted _- rereasine measure to suit the purposes of the foreigy bureaucracy. This is enough tosio¥ thekini of literature that will be providec 7c primar. school children. Shall we, theremre, oppose free education? No, a thousan. tmes nc. But what are we going to do to prcvide our national patriotic literature to ciiicren and the mass of the people, and thus :ax> advantage of the educational weapon to »9:-vard thx

national cause ? What are we gc 12 to do ti

provide independent free primar) 3 ools fo: our children in villages and towns: Lhe Government does not care much for disonsent anc unrest in the ranks of the educat:d minority But it certainly desires that the nw:s of the people should be on its side. An_ ore and more legislation and administratix= 2 easures will have the tendency to create arc opposition of interests between the classes and the masses. Have we sufficient forzsirht and patriotism and energy to percet-e all this and create a solidarity of feeling acl Lterests among all classes, or have we not *

In some places, national schools ha-~e been opened, mostly for secondary educztim. We do not deny their need and wi iz. But primary schools of this description <re it least as necessary. There ought not :o be any excuse for saying that the more ~v=J-to-do classes care for the education of th-ir own children alone, that the bureaucra-ty ure the real mé bép of the farmer and persait folk, the artisan and the day-labourer, arl that