Page:The Czechoslovak Review, vol4, 1920.pdf/289
ness of details, neglect or altogether abandon the main point. Our considerations must be restricted to this—that the main artery of our foreign trade should properly function. Simply stated—it must not be permitted that we export lumber in exchange for wines, and sugar for spices and chocolates. The main articles of our exports must serve exclusively to compensate imports of those things which we need most urgently. For our sugar, hops, malt, lumber and glass we must import only that which at that moment we need most for the benefit of the whole people, particularly foods, and we must export at prices approaching those of our imports in accordance with either the domestic or the foreign markets, particularly foods.
In these goods on whose imports and exports depends the economic existence of the state we cannot allow an unrestrained foreign trade, but must insist on such regulations which will assure us, without state contributions, the import of the most essential foods. To these an importing and exporting monopoly under the existing exchange rate of the crown is a passing command. I do not mean that the state should undertake the management of such a monopoly, as it is always, particularly when dealing with foreigners, a poor merchant. There must be found another non-governmental commercially active organization, which would be empowered to export certain important commodities, but which would have the duty imposed to import compensatively for such exports, through the import of things we need most urgently.
The organization of foreign trade in other branches is not possible of control, because of the diversity of thousands of articles of export; here must and may be a loose organization; also here the interests of the state recede to the background.
In a subsequent article Dr. Engliš expresses these views:—
Extravagance is injurious and dangerous, when it is at the expense of and to the detriment of essential necessities of the great masses of our people, who give their productive forces to the creation of useful articles of which there may be a scarcity—which is the case at the moment. It is required, these days, to restrict consumption, production and import of luxuries, resort may be had to high import duties or total probihition to bring this about. It is not possible that out of cotton, acquired after overcoming so many difficulties, we should produce luxuries—not until the needs of the people for necessary wearing apparel are satisfied. It is not possible that in return for our industrial export we import luxuries—not until we have a sufficiency of raw materials, foods and other articles urgently required.
Extravagant consumption and gouging have attained unheard of proportions. Reckless spending and living have spread through all our social masses. War savings and the possibilities of gain without work are the root of extravagance at a time when truthfully, we are economically unhealthy. It will be the task of the incoming government to eradicate, with equal force, luxury consumption among the wealthy as well as high living and reckless spending among the broader masses.
The contention that we are better off than our neigbors is entirely correct, but the truth is, also, that our conditions may and must improve because we are possessed of superior natural resources. The sooner we place our finances and economic structure on a sound foundation, just by that much we will forge ahead in world competition to the lasting benefit of our whole future.
In these days extravagance must be treated from a socio-psychological standpoint. Upon the masses of people of small means many self-denials and restrictions are imposed. Labor is constantly asked for more work, and again more work. It is very difficult to ask these masses to retain their patience, when they see, all about them, so much extravagance of clothes, amusements, automobiles, etc.
But do not let us depend in all things on the government. All inhabitants must, through internal moral force and an understanding, work toward that which is for the general benefit. It would be gratifying if the wealthy classes, regardless of police regulations, could feel the immorality of reckless spending in these times and become disgusted with their exhibitions of spectacular personal extravagance. To hold honestly acquired property is not a transgression, rather, it is a proof of merit, labor and economy, but a reasonable use of such resources is imperative upon everyone.