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§ 433. After r, l gʹ goes back to Idg. g, e.g. mʹirʹigʹ, ‘rust’, O.Ir. meirg; fαrəgʹə, ‘sea’, O.Ir. fairggæ, foirrce; ærʹəgʹïd, ‘money’, O.Ir. arget, W. ariant.

§ 434. gʹ appears for dʹ in two words. This substitution seems to take place not in­frequent­ly in Sc. Gaelic dialects, cp. ZCP. iv 507. The words in question are gʹrʹi꞉dαn, ‘dregs’, = Di. Macbain dríodar; gʹɔ꞉kαn to̤·bαkə, ‘a small lump of tobacco’, Di. geocán and diúcán, deocán. The form with dʹ also occurs in dʹïkαn mʹïnʹə, ‘a small quantity of meal’. For kʹ and gʹ in krɔ꞉gʹuw see § 415.

gʹ represents Engl. j in gʹïtə, Di. giota, ‘bit’, < Engl. ‘jot’.

§ 435. Occasionally gʹ is hardened from O.Ir. d, g (=gh), thus regularly in the imper­ative second plur. of all verbs, though it must have arisen in verbs of the second conju­gation. The ending was ‑ighidh, i.e. iji꞉ which gave ‑igʹi꞉, e.g. ïmʹigʹi꞉, ‘depart’; bʹigʹi꞉, ‘be’; dʹα꞉nigʹi꞉, ‘do’. Craig (Grammar² p. 123) quotes a form with d (= dʹ) which I have never heard. This is evidently the same as Manx ‑jee (Rhys p. 154 where a wrong expla­nation is given). We further find gʹ for gh in ũigʹ, ‘cave’ (also ũi) < uaigh, M.Ir. uag (the words for ‘cave’ and ‘grave’ have been confused), cp. Di. uaig; inʹigʹiLʹtʹ, ‘grazing’, Di. ingheilt; igʹiNʹ, ‘ring to put round the neck of cattle’ (not in diction­aries), formed from M.Ir. id (?).

§ 436. Intervocalic g seems to have a tendency to become a spirant and to disappear in Donegal. The only instance I find in Finck is the case of the prepo­sition ag with the pronom­inal suffixes (l.c. i p. 127, əs < əgəs does not belong here), cp. § 170. But in the peninsula of Glen­columb­kille this treatment of inter­vocalic g seems to be regular in the word for ‘priest’ and the pronom­inal forms of ag, see G. J. 1891 p. 79 col. 2. In Meena­wannia gʹ is treated in this way in kə·tiə, ‘why’, < cad chuige; i꞉Nʹtʹαχ, ‘a certain’, < éigin­teach, íginteach (i꞉nʹαχ also occurs < eigʹinʹαχ), cp. Di. s. éigin.