Page:Morris-Jones Welsh Grammar 0404.png
x. (1) The ‑o- of the 1st and 2nd pers. endings of this conjugation prob. represents the ending ‑o of the prep. in Brit. Although the thematic vowel ‑o was not a case ending in Ar. it was a common ending of adverbs and preps., e.g. *apo, *upo, *pro, and may have spread in Kelt. Hence perhaps *proko me > Brit. *rokome > W. (*rhogof), rhagof. For the 3rd pl. ‑ẟunt see § 209 vii (1); 3rd sg. ‑ẟi < *´‑do-sī § 75 ii (2), where *sī is the instr. sg. of *sī ‘she’. The 3rd sg. m. ‑ẟaw is difficult; Ml. W. ‑ẟaw, and Bret. ‑zañ, O.W. ‑dam (≡ ‑ẟaṽ) seem to be two different reductions of *‑ẟauṽ, in which au (aw) must be from *‑ou- not from ‑ā- (since ām > Bret. euñ); both *‑ẟawf and Corn. ‑tho may be from *‑do-emi § 75 ii (2); *e‑mi, instr. in *‑mi of *es ‘he’.
(2) rhag < *prokos: Lat. reci-procus, procul < *procolos, dim. of *prokos; unacc. ok > ak in Brit. § 65 ii (1); dialectal rhog, rhogẟo, etc. < *prók‑. The form before a noun seems to have ended in ‑s causing the rad. initial: Brit. *rokos unacc.; personal forms as above (1). The adv. r̔accw, r̔acco ‘yonder’ has a suffix *‑hw or *‑ho, prob. with loss of ‑nn (as yma ‘here’ etc. § 110 v (2)), for *‑hwnn or *honn < *som-de or *som-da ‘there’ suff. *‑dhe or *‑dha § 162 vi (2), cf. hwnt § 220 ii (5); thus Brit. *roko sonde ‘in front there’ > r̔accw. Initial r- was prob. first lost after consonants: y gw̄́r racw > y gŵr acw, y brýn racw > y bryn acw, *dracw > dacw, etc.
(3) heb ‘(past) by, without’, Ir. sech id., Bret., Corn. heb ‘without’: Av. hača ‘away from’, O.Pers. hačā id.: Lat. secus, Skr. sácā ‘at, in the presence of’. These are believed to be all from √sequ̯- ‘follow’; e.g. Brugmann² II ii 894 ff. The development of the meaning in Kelt. and Iran. is not quite clear. In W. heb with the vb. wyf means ‘not having attained’: yr wyf heb fy nghinio ‘I have not had my dinner’, perhaps < ‘*I am in pursuit of’. This may explain the sense of ‘lacking’. ‘Past’ and ‘away from’ may be from ‘proceeding’. The adv. heibi̯aw (Bret. ebiou) seems to be a cpv. of the adj. *sequ̯os; it might represent a loc. *sequ̯iosi § 75 ii (2).
(4) yn ‘in’ < *en, *eni and *en‑do: Lat. in, O.Lat. en, Gk. ἐν, ἐνί, etc. Although the last ends in ‑o, ynof, ynot, etc., cannot come directly from it, as they have only one ‑n- in lit. W. Ml. and Mn. They are prob. re-formations from yn on the analogy of rhagof, etc. The ‑d- in yndaw, etc. is due to provection of ẟ after n, § 111 vii (2).
(5) trwy ‘through’, Ir. tri, tre, Bret. tre, dre. It causes lenition in W., Bret. and Ir., except in Ir. before the article. For the form in the last case Brugmann² II ii 900 gives *tres, comparing *pres in Gk. πρέσ-βυς; but as *pri, *prei existed beside *pres, so there were prob. *tri, *trei; these would account for the leniting forms. W. trwy < *trei; trwyẟu(nt) < *trei do eibhis. The 1st and 2nd pers. forms and the adv. are analogical formations.
(6) tros ‘over, across’ is a weak form of traws § 71 i (2), as in ar draws ‘across’. It comes from a participial form *trāns = Lat. trāns < *trānts. The 3rd pers. trostaw, trosti, trostunt < *trāns do‑; the other persons and the adv. are analogical formations.
