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400

Accidence

§ 209

o honaf w.m. 35, r.m. 23, s.g. 22, ohonof w.m. 104; ohonat r.m. 7, 8, s.g. 85, o honot w.m. 12, 169, ahonot do. 10, o honaud b.b. 86, ohonawt b.t. 53, w.m. 159, c.m. 53; o honaw w.m. 1, 12; o honei r.m. 2, s.g. 1, 89, o hanei s.g. 12, o heni w.m. 3; o honawch w.m. 7, ohonawch do. 13; onaẟunt r.m. 145, 151, ohonunt w.m. 22, r.m. 151, r.b.b. 48, ohonun r.p. 1280, Mn. W. ohonun L.G.C. 318, onaddunt do. 462, onaddun Gr.O. 94.

In the 16th cent. ohon- was often contracted to on- or hon‑, as cyn adnabod dim honi G.R. [xiv] ‘before knowing anything of it’; cf. E.P., ps. cv 16; onynt M.K. [59], ono-fo do. [60]; later Os ymddifad onot ti Wms. 438 (printed ohonot, but the metre allows only 2 syll.) ‘if destitute of thee’. Analogy has restored the full form, and the contraction survives only in monof, monot, mono etc. for ddim ohonof, etc.; thus ni welais mono for ni welais ddim ohono ‘I have not seen anything of him’, i.e. I have not seen him; § 170 v (2).

vii. (1) W. ar' is for *war, O.W. guar cp., Bret. war, Corn. war < *u̯or for Kelt. *u̯er < Ar. *uper § 65 v (3). The personal forms are made from an adverb *u̯or-nā; for the suffix, cf. Lat. superne § 220 i (3), and for the ending, suprā. The pronoun stood in a case not affecting a in the sg. or pl., hence prob. acc.; thus sg. 1. arnaf < *u̯órname < *u̯órnā me; pl. 1. arnam or arnann < *arnanm < *u̯órnansme < *u̯ornā n̥sme (: Av. ahma, Gk. Lesb. ἄμμε ‘us’); sg. 2. arnat < *u̯ornā te; pl. 2. arnawch formed on the analogy of the verb; sg. 3. m. arnaw is prob. a re-formation after the 3rd sg. ‑ẟaw § 210 x (1); sg. 3. fern. erni < *u̯órnasīm < *u̯ornā sīm; arnei < *u̯ornasī́m § 75 i (2); *sīm is the acc. of *sī ‘she’. The most probable explanation of the ‑ẟ- in the 3rd pl., which also occurs in the 3rd sg. of other conjugations, is that it is the prep. *do; this took the dative, orig. instr.; the instr. pl. of the pron. *es was *eibhis (: Skr. instr. pl. ebhíḥ) as in Ir. doib ‘to them’ < *do eibhis; this would give *duv in W.; v after u disappeared early, but if altered to ẟ (ẟ…v > ẟ…ẟ) would remain longer; hence W. arnaẟu(ẟ) < *u̯órnadoibis < *u̯órnā do eibhis or some such form; arnaẟunt has the ‑nt of the verb added; arnu, arnunt are probably later formations.—The modern equivalent i of the prep. *do performs the same function as that assumed above for *do; it is added to an adverb to make it a prep.; thus tu yma i ‘this side of’ § 216 ii (4), heibio i ‘past’ § 210 iii.

(2) at is the stem of the personal forms substituted for *ad, which may be from *ato < *ad-do, a compound of *ad and *do both denoting ‘to’. The personal forms seem to be derived from an adverb *ato-tā̆; thus ataf < *ad-daf < *áto-ta-me; etc. as in (1).

(3) o dán (adan, O.W. guotan) is formed from *u̯o- ‘under’ § 156 i (16) (o‑/a- < *u̯o‑/u̯a- § 65 v (1)) and *‑tanā < *‑tₑnā as in Lat. pro-tinus < *pro-tₑnos: Lat. tenus, √ten- ‘stretch’; *u̯o-tanā́-me > o danaf, etc., as arnaf above; adv. o danoẟ < *u̯o-tanā́-de (suff. *‑dhi or *‑dhe § 162 vi (2)). On the accent of odán see § 47 i; odán > dán; see also § 51 vi.