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ii. hwde is not used for ‘take’ generally, but is an exclamation accompanying an offer, cf. Gwell un hwde no deu aẟaw b.b. 968 ‘better one “take this” than two promises’; hence possibly hw for *hwy § 78 ii < *s(u̯)oi ‘for (thy) self’ the reflexive *su̯e- being used orig. for all persons. In that case ‑dy or ‑de is the ordinary affixed pron. (= B.B. ‑de, § 160 iv (3), used because hw was taken for a verb), or is perhaps voc.; hwdy dī́ then is *hw dydī́. The S.W. hwre is late, M.Ỻ. ii 108 (not by him, see do. 319).

moes < *moi estō(d) § 75 ii (2) ‘be it to me’, i.e. ‘let me have it’; cf. est mihi ‘I have’. If so, i mi ‘to me’ after it is redundant; but its frequent omission makes this probable.

(1) F-grade of √, as in cymer‑af 'I take', ad‑fer‑af 'I restore', √bher‑: Lat. fero, Gk. φέρω. So rhed‑af ‘I run’, gwared‑af ‘I succour’, eh‑ed‑af ‘I fly’, etc.

(2) F°-grade of √, as in gw̯an‑af ‘I wound’ < *gw̯on‑, Ir. gonim, √g^u̯hen‑: Gk. φονάω. So pob‑af ‘I bake’, a‑gor‑af ‘I open’ § 99 vi, etc.

(3) R-grade of √, as in dyg‑af ‘I bring’ < *duk‑ § 182 ii (2); also V‑grade, as in co‑sp‑af ‘I punish’, Ir. co‑sc‑aim < *con‑sq^u̯- (‘talk with’), √seq^u̯- ‘say’. (Though in rho‑dd‑af ‘I give’ the dd appears to be V‑grade of √dō‑, in reality ‑ddaf represents Ar. *‑dō‑mi with F‑grade, as in Gk. δίδωμι.)

(4) R-grade of √ with n‑infix, as in gann‑af ‘I am contained’ <*ꬶhn̥d- § 173 iv (1), √ꬶhed‑: E. get; and in gwnn ‘I know’ < *u̯ind‑, √u̯eid- § 191 iii (1).—W. prynaf ‘I buy’ < *q^u̯rinā‑mi, √q^u̯rei̯ā‑ § 179 iii (1). The infix comes before the last cons. of the root, and is syllabic (‑ne‑) before a sonant; the last cons, in *q^u̯reiā‑ is ə̯ (ā = aə̯), and before ə the syllable is ‑na- § 63 v (2), hence *q^u̯rinā‑; cf. Gk. Dor. δάμνᾱμι, √demā‑.

(5) R-grade of √ + i̯, as in seini̯‑af ‘I sound’ < *stₑn‑i̯‑, √sten‑; sain ‘a sound’ is an old v.n., cf. darstain ‘to resound’ § 156 i (13).