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late years China was sending military and political agents to Corea, and interfering with the Corean international affairs, as if she intended to make good her claims over Corea, long since become purely historical. This state of things had to be rectified, for Japan would never consent to Corea’s becoming in reality a part of the Chinese Empire. Why should China, he argued, with an immense territory, covet a far distant country such as Corea at the danger of disturbing the friendship between the brother empires of the Far East? He also reminded Li-Hung-Chang of the fact that while China was still an absolute monarchy, conducting its foreign affairs as its Ministers thought fit, Japan was on the eve of adopting a constitutional form of government, with due regard to the voice of the people. This, if disregarded beyond a certain degree, would surely bring on a Cabinet crisis, and result in the appointment of politicians of the more marked forward policy. Li-Hung-Chang expressed his agreement with the general line of Count Ito’s argument, and even consented to withdraw the forces from Corea, if Japan would do the same, but as regards the action of the Chinese soldiery in Seoul on the 4th of December, 1884, he held views quite different from those held by the Count. Li-Hung-Chang thought that the Japanese Minister, Takezoyé, was guilty of having instigated the Corean rebels, and that the affair was already closed by the Treaty of Seoul between Japan and Corea, signed on the 9th of January, 1885. Two days after the opening of the negotiations the conflict between China and France was brought to a happy close, which, though not glorious to China, because she had to abandon her historical claim to suzerainty over Annam, yet was, in fact, a success for China, because, after twelve months of armed conflict, France could obtain no material advantage over China. China now wished to reserve to herself the right of sending military forces to Corea whenever necessary, and Count Ito consented to this on the condition of Japan’s preserving the same right. Both Japan and China accepted the obligation of each informing the other before sending troops to Corea whenever such a necessity should present itself in the future. The question of the instruction of the Corean army was also settled, it being decided that Japan and China should conjointly advise Corea to provide for her internal safety by training her own troops and employing foreign subjects other than Japanese or Chinese as instructors. As to the action of the Chinese soldiery in Seoul, the affair was to be wound up by Li-Hung-Chang addressing the following letter to Count Ito: