Page:Constitutional imperialism in Japan (IA constitutionalim00clemrich).pdf/58

there is the election meeting, under another set of officials (part of whom, however, may be the same), to decide the result of the election. Possibly this long process may insure a minimum of fraud and interference.

We have already called attention to the radical changes effected by this new law; and concerning its results we quote Uyehara, as follows:

The political campaign of the special election of March 25, 1915, calls for comment in this connection, because it illustrates some points in the evolution of popular institutions in Japan. The conduct of a political campaign had become too formal and had fallen into the hands of professional canvassing agents; so that to some extent the yen had become mightier than the pen. The cost of election had grown to be enormous, except in the very few cases in which a candidate was so fortunate as to meet with little or no opposition. It was, of course, a matter of discussion as to what constituted the legal expenses of a campaign; and it required no little care and ability to steer clear between the Scylla and the Charybdis of parsimony and bribery. It seemed to demand several thousand yen for an “average man” to carry on a campaign in a strictly legal manner. This sum would include such items as printing, postage, advertising, rent of offices, carriage hire, and speech-making expenses.

House-to-house canvassing is one special feature of a campaign and is here dubbed “the submarine attack”. It has been carried on by teachers, family doctors, female hairdressers, et al.; and it has been especially utilized, in a few cases, by female members of the family of the candidate. This feature of women as campaigners has been strongly discussed, pro and con, by the press.