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become, from an agricultural, a commercial country. In 1776 the poor rates were stated at a million and a half; now in the course of forty years, they might be taken altogether at eight millions and a half.—This monstrous sum must excite the deepest regret: but it was not merely the amount that was to be deplored, for the sum of happiness and consolation was not increased by it; but, on the contrary, there was an augmentation of human misery. Something must now be applied. He was well aware that the amount was so great that it was impossible to cut it down at once. We had, in the course of years, in fact taken away the care of the people from themselves; and the result of this conduct unfortunately was, that they regarded the present time as every thing, and the future as nothing. It was now our interest and our duty, to endeavour to rescue them from this condition, and to revive and elevate their minds by the operation of some other principle. If we did not, we should lend ourselves to the destruction of their industry, their virtue, and their happiness. A foreigner must look with astonishment at the enormous sum of nine millions raised for the relief of the poor. Few foreign Sovereigns had so great a revenue for all the purposes of their governments. He could make his appeal to those gentlemen who were Magistrates, to say, whether the poor were at present happy, contented, and grateful! No! they must answer, that they were unhappy, dissatisfied, ungrateful to those who afforded them temporary relief, and without real comfort. (Hear!) They looked on every thing with a jaundiced eye, and discontent of mind. He had visited Ireland, and when he first saw the wretched Irish cabins, with the smoke issuing through the door, his feelings of disgust were so strong, that he turned away, desirous of not entering: but when he did go in, he found a surprising revolution, and the least looked-for that he could have imagined. He saw within the place the exercise of all the affections of the heart, while potatoes were the food, and butter-milk the only luxury. He thought the Irish peasant happier than an English pauper. He saw a proof that happiness was chiefly seated in the mind. The poor Irishman did not appear broken in spirit or degraded. He travelled a thousand miles in that country, making observations on the state of the poorer classes wherever he went. Nothing, he was convinced, was so dangerous to the poor as pauperism: yet there were not less than two millions of British subjects in that degrading condition. Could the House require a stronger stimulus than this afflicting consideration, to impel them to the application of an instant remedy! After ages of inconveniences had passed, the remedy could operate only by slow degrees; but still he must assume the possibility of its efficacy. It was not possible for the Legislature to prevent premature and imprudent marriages; but it must be their object to inspire the poor with some forethought of the miseries that might come upon an unprovided offspring. The great object of a proper Committee would be, to find means of shewing to the people their own interest and advantage, in taking their happiness into their own hands. He gave a melancholy picture of the demands in the shape of Poor Rates, in the West Riding of Yorkshire, where one farmer, occupying 210 acres of land, was called upon to pay a guinea a day; and in Sussex, Shropshire, and other counties, he mentioned assessments at 18s. 20s. 24s. and 26s.; and even higher. After stating a number of laborious calculations, to enforce or elucidate his arguments, he said it was his intention to call on the fund-holder, the money-lender, and the trade of the country, to bear their proportion of the burthen; but it was his great aim to lessen the number of claimants, to reduce pauperism within narrower limits, and to restore to the mass of population that independent spirit, which would teach them to trust to themselves and their own exertions for support. After developing his plans and intentions, he moved for a Committee to be appointed, to consider the state of the Poor Laws and the Labouring Poor.

Lord Castlereah complimented the Hon. Member on the calm, deliberate, and judicious manner in which he had introduced this important subject; and admitted, that his claim on him for his general view of the subject was fair. He was anxious to support inquiry, as were all around him. Ministers would dedicate their time to it most cheerfully, as far as was consistent with their other avocations. His Lordship then entered into a most explicit statement of his view of the subject, which we regret exceedingly that we cannot give.

A Committee was then appointed, and ordered to report from time to time to the House.

Monday, Feb. 24—Lord Castlereacgh}} prefaced the measures he had to submit to the House with expressions of extreme regret at the necessity which compelled him, in the discharge of his public duty, to bring them forward; he then entered into a very copious analysis and illustration of the report, but without adding any thing material to the statements thereof, or disclosing the facts and evidence on which it was founded, assigning the same reasons that Lord Sidmouth used in the other House. In order to counteract and repress the treasonous practices now afloat in the country, the Ministers of the Crown deemed it necessary, 1st, That a bill should be passed, suspending the Habeas Corpus Act: 2d, For the more effectually preventing seditious meetings and assemblies: 3d, For extending the same legal protection to the person of the