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the following list: Lord Castlereagh, Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr Ponsonby, Mr Bankes, Mr Long, Mr Tierney, Lord Binning, Sir J. Newport, Mr Peel, Mr C. W. Wynne, Mr Arbuthnot, Mr Frankland Lewis, Mr Huskisson, Mr N. Calvert, Mr Davies Gilbert, Mr Cartwright, Mr Holford, Mr Edward Littleton, Lord Clive, Mr Gooch, and Sir T. Ackland.

Mr Tierney, and many other members, delivered their sentiments at great length, both against and for this nomination, after which the House divided. For the Committee 210; against it 117.

Two other divisions took place, on a motion to substitute other names in the room of Lord Binning and Mr Huskisson, but the majority decided that they were to stand as part of die Committee.

Tuesday, Feb. 11.—Lord Castlereagh, in reply to General Ferguson, stated that the Noble Marquis (Cambden) alluded to had resigned all the emoluments and profits of the office he held (Tellership of the Exchequer, and only retained the regulated salary of £2500. (Cheering.) The Noble Marquis had been for some time desirous of making this sacrifice, but as his office was in the nature of a vested right, and as he did not know what effect this surrender might have on others in a similar situation, he delayed till the meeting of Parliament. Seeing, however, the example of retrenchment and sacrifice set in the highest quarter, he no longer hesitated, and offered now all the emoluments of his appointment (Hear, hear!)

Feb. 14.—A great many petitions having been presented praying for a Reform in Parliament, most of them claiming universal suffrage and annual elections, as the ancient constitution of the kingdom, Mr Brougham spoke to the following effect: "Sir, I have in all cases gone as far as it was possible for me to go, to assist in opening the door of this House to the people's complaints: and I have done all that I could—and not less than the Noble Lord (Cochrane)—to discountenance, as far as my little influence would allow me, any proposition which appeared to me to be calculated to impede, cramp, and hamper, the exercise of popular rights.—(Hear, hear, hear!) I therefore put myself on my country, in competition with the Noble Lord, as to which of us has shewn himself to be the greater friend of the people of England. (Hear, hear, hear!) But, Sir, I will not shew my friendship for the people, by telling them falsehoods. (Hear, hear, hear!) I will not be a party in practising delusion on the people. (Hear, hear, hear!) I will not take advantage of the warmth of popular meetings,—a great proportion of the individuals constituting which are necessarily ignorant of the nicer points of history and antiquity,—to induce the people to sign such petitions as those which have lately been presented to this House. (Hear, hear, hear!) Sir, I would not be a party in telling the people, (monstrous assertion!) that twelve hundred years ago this country enjoyed a free and perfect constitution.—(Hear, hear, hear!) This, sir, is a specimen of the historical knowledge,—of the antiquarian research,—of the acquaintance with constitutional law of these wiseacres out of doors, who, after poring for days and nights, and brooding over their wild and mischievous schemes, rise up with their little nostrums and big blunders to amend the British Constitution! (Laughter and loud cheers.) And then, sir, we are pronounced ignorant and daring who refuse to subscribe to the creed of these true reformers, who know accurately what happened in this country five hundred years before authenticated history begins! (Hear!) and we are told, that he who will not believe the self-evident propositions of these gentlemen, which it is said are so reasonable as not to admit of the least controversy, are dishonest as well as ignorant and daring. The people of England have presented hundreds of petitions to this House. I believe above a million of people have declared to this House some opinion or other on the question of reform. These persons have been collected together at meetings, to which they flocked simply because they felt severe distress. They knew from their own experience, and from the nature of their sufferings, that they in a great measure originated in the mal-administration of public affairs. There is one conclusion, sir, which we ought to draw from all these considerations; namely, that severe distress is the real cause of this popular agitation; and that as far as the people call upon us for great retrenchments and some reform, the call is well founded, and must be heard. I heartily hope that it may be heard before it is too late, and that the people may by that means be taken and kept out of the hands of those who would betray them into misery a hundred fold greater than that which they at present endure."—(Hear, hear!)

Wednesday, Feb. 19,—Mr B. Bathurst appeared at the bar with the report of the Committee of Secrecy, to whom certain papers, laid before the House by command of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, had been referred.—Ordered to be printed, and taken into consideration on Monday next.

Feb. 21.—Mr Curwen, in a clear and argumentative speech, took a wide and comprehensive view of the Poor Laws, in their origin, progress, and present oppressive magnitude. We can only give a few detached passages. The great evils were increasing still, and would increase much more, unless some remedy were applied to bring things back to their original state. We had, it was to be recollected,