Memoir on Slavery!/Translator's preface

At a moment when the "Gradual Abolition of Slavery," as a state question, occupies the public mind, it seemed to me that I could not render a more essential service to the friends of humanity, than present to them the sentiments of an enlightened foreigner on that important subject, derived from local observation and experimental results, the only means by which correct opinions on so extensive and complicated a measure, as the one now under parliamentary discussion, can possibly be obtained. Theories, when applied to legislative acts, are generally found delusive; facts and practice, therefore, may be considered as our only safe and unerring guides.

Such were the motives which first induced me to undertake the translation of the follow​ing pages. I read the original with pleasure, and deemed its publication, in an English dress, a timely and valuable acquisition. The author is a native Brazilian, and lately held one of the highest offices of trust and confidence near the person of his sovereign. He is also deservedly venerated by his countrymen, and I consider it no other than an act of justice to make known in Europe the labours of so distinguished and patriotic an individual, in a cause so noble.

The present little work indeed does equal honour to the author and the nation to which he belongsM. Jose Bonifacio D՚Andrada e Silva is not, however, the only Brazilian who has wielded his pen in favour of the slave population of Brazil. Other champions in behalf of suffering humanity have equally stepped forward, and among them is M. João Severiano Maciel da Costa, also late minister to His Imperial Majesty, who has boldly and practically treated some of the most important topics connected with the Abolition of the Slave Trade and the Gradual Emancipation of Slaves. Among other things he has successfully shewn, that the introduction of African slaves into Brazil is opposed to the security and prosperity of the state ; he has pointed out the favourable results of the Abolition of the Slave Trade, also the measures by which the agriculture of Brazil may be rendered independent of Africans ; and ​he has besides entered into an elaborate enquiry as to the means by which the slave population may be progressively emancipated.

Both are practical works, and the authors are also zealous advocates for the general civilization of the Indians of Brazil. This new empire in the west is, indeed, now the only country on the globe where slavery is yet seen on a large scale. The present population of Brazil, on the best authorities, is estimated at upwards of 4,000,000 of souls, of which 843,000 are whites, 426,000 free people of colour, and 159,500 free blacks, making the total of free population 1,687,900 persons. The black slave population is rated at 1,728,000 souls, and the mulatto slaves at 202,000, so that this class amounts to 1,930,000. The known and civilized Indians are not calculated at more than 300,000, yet it must be remarked that a large portion of the Brazilian territory is hitherto unexplored. Estimates of this kind also, made in an extensive and thinly inhabited country, and besides founded on data chiefly derived from parish registers, are necessarily under-rated ; on this account, intelligent persons are of opinion, that the total population of the empire of Brazil is nearly equal to 5,000,000.

In this amount, the proportion of slaves is considerable—nay awful. In justice to the ​Brazilian character, it must, however, be confessed, that their slaves are, generally speaking, treated infinitely better than those found in the insular colonies of Europe, or in other portions of the same continent. Although the Brazilian slaves endure many privations and labour under great disadvantages, almost unavoidable in the unhappy condition in which they are placed, and the injustice and cruelties of owners are moreover occasionally heard of, the existing laws nevertheless grant them powerful protection, and this would possibly be rendered more efficient, if the tribunals and magistrates were numerous and accessible in a country so extended. Public opinion has, nevertheless, done more in favour of the slaves of Brazil than legislative acts. The unjust and cruel master is scouted by his neighbours, and this demonstration of correct feeling frequently operates as a check. Many minor institutions and useful customs also tend to mitigate the sufferings and enliven the cheerless and monotonous existence of the Brazilian slaves, of whom those employed in the mining and diamond districts certainly fare the worst.

The individual situation of the slave depends principally on the character of the owner to whose lot he has fallen, and hence, no country in the world presents so many singular phenomena, in the disposition and conduct of these ​unhappy people, as Brazil. The natural mildness and generosity of some owners endear them so much to their slaves, that instances have been known of the latter refusing to accept their freedom, when offered. Slaves are there seen rich and also the owners of other slaves, yet refusing to buy their own freedom. Slaves sometimes even join in adventures to Africa, and send over thither beads, looking-glasses and other trifles, to purchase and then enslave men of their own country and species. Most of the slave-ships still trading to Africa from Rio de Janeiro and Bahia, are manned by African slaves, and there are instances of indemnities granted by the British government for illegal seizures of some of the above class of vessels, in which the value of the crews, as well as of the cargoes, have been paid for.

Amidst so many singularities and contrarieties, Brazil, consequently is, the most interesting country, as regards slavery, that possibly can be contemplated. It will also be seen that this is a subject that begins to be popular, and must continue to be so, as the principles of a liberal and constitutional government extend and are understood by the people. The late declaration of independence has worked wonders in favour of the slave population, by giving more action to public opinion and the press.

​The necessity of putting an end to the slave trade is indeed confessed by every Brazilian, however humble his sphere and limited his understanding.The upper classes are decidedly opposed to its continuation, and the late Constituent Assembly was prepared to decree the abolition within a stated period, by granting a sufficient time to those engaged in the traffic, to withdraw their capitals and supply the temporary want of field-labourers, when the short duration of that body of representatives, on the one hand, and the negociations carrying on for the acknowledgment of Brazilian Independence, on the other, prevented the measure from being carried into full effect. These negociations in fact, embarrassed the Assembly, as it was early seen from the professions made by the cabinet which then offered its powerful mediation, that the abolition of the slave trade would necessarily constitute one of the leading objects of the final treaty about to be concluded, as in reality was the case, according to the document found in the Appendix. It was therefore deemed advisable to wait for the completion of the treaty, in order that any legislative act adopted on the subject, might accord with the stipulations it contained.

Such was the state of the question in Brazil, when the Assembly was dissolved. The emperor, however well disposed, has not been able to ​advance it any further, because, besides not being empowered by the Constitution to legislate on a matter of such importance, without the concurrence of both Chambers of the Legislature, the embarrassment arising out of the protracted state of the negociation, still exists. This being the only cause of delay, it is very certain that, as soon as the approaching assembly opens its sittings and the treaty with Great Britain has been ratified, a decree for the abolition of the slave trade will be immediately promulgated and enforced.

The readiness with which the Emperor assented to the abolition, is the best proof he could have given to his people of his humane and benevolent intentions ; it is also a pledge that he will continue to do every thing in his power to enforce the proper treatment and moral improvement of the slaves, as a preparation for their future deliverance from the galling chains of bondage. Policy and interest have a stronger hold on the minds of men than abstract appeals made to their justice and feelings, and if the agriculturists and growers of colonial produce can only be convinced, that it is dangerous and contrary to their advantage to employ slaves on their estates, the wished-for measure of gradual emancipation will then be easily and triumphantly carried into full effect.

London, April 25, 1826.