Japan by the Japanese/Chapter 29

The problem of the East is wide and far-reaching, but its focus, it appears to me, is centred in the war now being waged between Japan and her mighty Northern neighbour. It also seems to be expedient to me to approach the subject with the Anglo-Japanese relations as the keynote of my theme. Japan is now in alliance with Great Britain; she may not perhaps be worthy of that alliance, but one may be assured she is doing and will always do her best to deserve it. Some people might think that that alliance was an outcome of mushroom growths, but, on the contrary, it was the climax of long evolution, the fruit of a tree with deep-rooted trunk. For a long time English policy in the Far East, though subject to the tidal wave of diplomacy, has had a trend in that direction, and what Great Britain has done in the Far East has inevitably resulted to the benefit of Japan.

It was in the year 1854, just fifty years ago, that Japan opened herself to America, and soon after to England, Russia, France, and other Occidental nations. It was in that year that England, together with France, fought against Russia in the Black Sea. As one consequence the combined fleets of England and France chased in the Far East the Russian fleet, and attacked the fortified port of Petropavlovsk on the coast of Kamtchatka. The British fleet lost its Commodore, and also met with a heavy repulse, sustaining a loss of 200 men. At last with reinforcements it captured and demolished the fort, but, taking advantage of fog, the Russian fleet had escaped a month before. The Russian fleet which thus escaped met with shipwreck; the survivors sought the helping hand of Japan. We did not know what was passing between England and Russia, neither were we concerned in the matter, so out of sheer philanthropy we received these survivors well. We gave them shelter at a secluded place called Heta, in the province ​of Idzu. There they wished to build some new ships in order to return home. We gave materials, we lent them our shipbuilders, our artisans, and they succeeded in building two schooners, on board of which they sailed away from Japan. This took place, if I remember correctly, after the conclusion of peace.

In 1861 the so-called Tsushima affair took place. Tsushima is, as is well known, an island situated in the mouth of the Japan Sea—a most important strategic point for Japan. In the year in question the Russian fleet suddenly came to that island, landed marines, and occupied part of it, with the evident intention of seizing the island. This was done without any cause or reason whatever, without any prior notice or diplomatic negotiations, in spite of the fact that she had entered into friendly intercourse with us by treaty several years previously, and in spite of our giving them a helping hand in their hour of calamity. Remonstrances were, of course, made by the island authorities, followed by those of the Central Government, but the Russians took no heed. It was then that the English fleet made its appearance on the scene, and demanded the instant retirement of the Russians, which was obeyed, and thus the Island of Tsushima was saved to Japan.

In 1868 the new régime of the Imperial Government was inaugurated. For some years previous to that Japan was divided into two great factions—one for the Imperial cause, the other for the Shogunate cause. At that time England was represented in Japan by the energetic and sagacious Sir Harry Parkes. There were also men like Glover, Lowther, and Ernest Satow, now Sir Ernest, the present worthy British representative in China; they all espoused the Imperial cause, led by Sir Harry Parkes, in opposition to the strenuous support of the Shogunate cause by a certain foreign Power, headed by the equally energetic and adventurous representative of that country. Most of these facts are contained in the unwritten pages of the secret history of diplomacy, so that they are not well known even in Japan, still less in Europe. But one thing is certain—that England has done much towards the consolidation of our empire.

In 1874 we had the so-called Formosan affair, arising from the Formosan aborigines murdering a number of Japanese subjects, which ultimately led to some complication between Japan and China. That complication was amicably settled at last through the good offices of the then British representative in China.

In 1885 the Port Lazareff—Port Hamilton affair took place. The affair, as you know, was briefly this: Russia attempted to snatch Port Lazareff from Corea. England, having objections to this Russian action, instantly occupied Port Hamilton as a counter-check, and thus succeeded in compelling Russia to ​abandon her project. This object effected, England naturally gave up the occupation of Port Hamilton soon after. This affair did not directly concern Japan, but she derived benefit from it, all the same.

In our war with China, 1894–95, Great Britain kept her neutrality, and on the whole was friendly with Japan. Some say England might have gone a step further at the time of the intervention of the three Powers, but we do not complain of that. When Port Arthur was occupied by Russia, Great Britain occupied Wei Hei Wei. This was intended as nothing else but a counter-check to the Russian aggression, and the lease was made only coexistent with Russian occupation. This in itself is a striking proof of the opposing interests of Russia and Great Britain.

Amidst that war the revision of our old treaties with Occidental nations was effected, which placed Japan on an equal footing with other nations, admitting her for the first time into the comity of civilized nations. In this affair it was Great Britain that took the lead and initiative over other Powers.

Then came the Boxer rising, and the march on Peking by the allied forces to the rescue of their several Legations. The history of this is too fresh to reiterate here. It suffices to say that we, the Japanese, spoken of as ‘the pagans,’ fought side by side with the troops of Western nations, especially keeping up the best relations with the British and Americans. It is also not necessary to dwell in detail upon the diplomacy in the Far East, or what was done by Russia after the rescue of the various Legations.

It seems, however, of interest for me to give a brief résumé. Russia gave to other Powers repeatedly a pledge that she would terminate her occupation of Manchuria—an occupation which had taken place during the Boxer trouble as a part of the common action of the Allied Powers which went to the rescue of Peking, and for which she directly afterwards had received from China, for the trouble she had taken, a compensation to an amount far exceeding its value. At the same time in another direction she had been trying to exact from China humiliating concessions, which were quite contrary to, and irreconcilable with, the pledges given by her to the other nations. From the beginning to the end the chief efforts of diplomacy in the Far East were directed to check the clandestine attempts of Russia, and make her keep her pledge. In this effort England, America, and Japan stood fast together. Then came the treaty of alliance between England and Japan in 1902; the Manchurian question had not then come to an end, and it was still threatening. England was perfectly aware of the fact. Looking back over the long history of more than forty years, ​looking at what England has done in the Far East in connection with Japan, as I have related above, I cannot but say it resulted, as I said before, to the benefit of Japan, and of course we feel deeply indebted to the aid thus rendered by the British nation. I do not doubt but that much of this has been done out of kindness and with a sense of justice. But was this all? Was there not also something else behind? Upon looking at the map, it is easily seen why England had adopted her policy in the direction described. She has great commercial interests in the Far East, no small political ones as well. It is necessary to protect those interests. Although only some parts of the interests of the great empire lie in the Far East, she could not afford to lose those interests, any more than a man could afford to lose a part of his buildings, which loss might prove detrimental to the whole construction. These interests which she has to protect are identical with those of Japan. Japan has to do exactly the same thing as England in guarding and protecting her interest and safety. Such being the case, I venture to say that the treaty of alliance between England and Japan was, as I said before, the climax of long evolution, having for its basis the mutual interests of the two countries. So far this is a matter of plain fact as concerns the political aspect. There are, however, some attempts to discredit Japan in some quarters.

In the first place, it is said that Japan’s modern civilization is only outward, and that there is every possibility of a reaction setting in. Nothing can be further from the truth than this assertion. We have strenuously striven to civilize our country by assimilating ourselves with European methods and ideas in everything, and we have, I believe, succeeded to some extent. It has cost us many lives and much money. We have eaten Western apples and found them delicious, and we are not likely to give them up. We are even going to make further improvements, and so keep pace with those nations with whom we have friendly intercourse. Of the material side of the civilization which we have adopted, I can at once convince you that we shall not be likely to give them up. We have electric light in Japan; you will not doubt when I tell you that we shall never return to oil or wax. We have railways: do you think we can ever go back to walking? Shall we destroy the telegraph-wires and again employ messengers?

With regard to the mental parts of civilization, it may not be so easy to convince, but with us it is exactly the same. The introduction of Western civilization into Japan is not limited to its material side only. In laws, in science, in art, and in all the other branches of human activity, we have striven to introduce your ideas, just in the same degree as we have done in material objects. All this we shall never give up; they have ​already taken deep root in the Japanese mind, and they have already become essential elements in the making of a compact nation. Sometimes people express amazement at the changes made in Japan in so comparatively short a period as thirty or forty years, as though doubting its genuineness. It is true that Japan has effected a great transformation, but, without in the least entertaining any idea of self-glorification, I may say that Japan has always had some kind of unique national civilization and conditions of social organization, which, together with a considerable precursory preparation, have given her a special power of adaptability for the adoption of Western enlightenment. It is, I venture to say, a fallacy to think that any aborigines or tribes scattered in different parts of the globe could, emulating Japan, raise themselves in the same way as she has done at so short a notice.

Some comments have also been made about difference of race and religion. Well, the difference of race is a matter we cannot transform except, perhaps, by gradual intermixture. That difference, however, seems to me not very important for keeping friendly relations, so long as other assimilation could be thoroughly effected. I may also say the same thing with regard to religion. Our moral precepts and ethical rules are exactly the same as those of the Western world, though some of their points might be more developed in Japan, while some points might be more developed in Western nations. Just let me illustrate this: Where any matters of charity or virtue are concerned, the Japanese entertain the same ideas, and act in the same way, as do their Western brethren. For instance, the organization of the Red Cross Society is working very well in Japan; its members amount to about one million, and its annual subscriptions amount to about two million yen. It is under the patronage of the Emperor and Empress, and of course all this is done irrespective of any religion, Japan being a most tolerant country as regards religion. Perfect freedom of conscience is guaranteed by the Constitution, and not the slightest difference is made in the eyes of the law on account of religion, and in social intercourse it is the same. Here perhaps I might relate an instance: Mr. Kataoka, who died last autumn, was a Christian, and yet was one of the leaders of the largest political party. He was President of the House of Representatives for several terms, and he died while still holding that office. There was a hymn which he liked more than any other, and on his dying-bed he asked his friends and relatives to sing it, and he passed away while it was being sung. The Salvation Army is parading our streets under the command of its English officers. Even the Mormons are allowed to preach, though under strict conditions which bind them not to attempt to proselytize as regards polygamy, ​which is contrary to our laws. With these facts in view, one might even say that we, as a nation, are almost too tolerant. At all events, I am of opinion that if the British continue to regard us as brothers we shall get on very well.

People speak of the Japanese as being brave in war and fighting well. Perhaps it is true, but we should be sorry if we were considered only as a fighting people. We aspire to be as energetic and as clever in other branches of human culture as in war; in fact, our endeavour has always been directed to that end.

The general tendency in Japan is that the more one is versed in the Western ideas, the more chance one has of becoming a prominent figure in all directions. Especially is this so in politics and official occupations, and even in the army and navy. It amounts to the same thing as saying that the brain, as it were, of Japan, which regulates the wheel and the motion of the empire, is and will continue to be animated by the Western modes of thought and reason. And I may also add that such a state of mind will make a nation feel her international responsibilities the more, and she will never allow herself to become a kind of wanton brigand, or act with a sudden outburst as if she were one of the untrained nomadic hordes.

Some fear that the Japanese soldiers might become restless and unruly after achieving great success over their formidable foe. But of that there is no fear. Our army is founded upon the conscription system; the soldiers are patriotic and fight gallantly when ordered to advance, but they are not bellicose by nature, rather preferring peace, and, moreover, perfect order and discipline prevails among them. It was just one day after the rupture of diplomatic relations with Russia that I met with General Count Katsura, the Premier of Japan, when he told me that during that long-protracted negotiation with Russia not one of our military or naval officers or men had come to him to disturb him with their opinions on diplomacy or politics. This will perhaps give you some idea of what are the characteristics of our army. It appears also that some apprehensions are being entertained that some kind of amalgamation might be effected between China and Japan which might cause danger to the Western Powers. But I am far from believing this. China is a very fine country. The Chinese are not a warlike or expanding nation. China is, and has always been, and will be, a good market for all civilized nations so long as she is left undisturbed and her integrity is respected. The characteristics and ideas in China and Japan are in general of such marked difference that it is a matter of impossibility to amalgamate these two nations, nor does Japan ever entertain such ambitious ideas. All that Japan wishes is to maintain a peaceful ​commercial intercourse with China, in common with other civilized nations, and Japan’s policy will be conducted on these lines. I am confident that this policy of Japan is in accord with British ideals, and I do not believe that the direction of British policy differs from ours. This is again conclusive evidence that British and Japanese interests are identical, and hence the necessity of maintaining a close and cordial relationship, which is no other than to continue the actual status of the present alliance. I said in the beginning that the present state was the climax of long evolution; I might almost say that it is an outcome of British policy in the East, which may be considered as already traditional. In its long course it was sometimes adopted by the Liberal Government, and sometimes by the Conservative, which you can easily discover by peeping into the pages of history; and, besides, I am happy to notice that it is backed by almost all the subjects of the great British Empire. Hence I may affirm that it is the national policy. An alliance of this kind does not mean to thwart other nations; on the contrary, we wish also to keep up friendly relations with them, which I presume is also the intention of Great Britain, and hence the Japanese are not jealous of Great Britain making l’entente cordiale with any of these nations. In fact, I do not doubt that among these nations too, even in France or Germany, there is many a heart which is beating with sympathy for Japan at this trying hour of hers. It must be understood that in these friendships there must be some difference of degree. Amongst these other nations we desire most the friendship of the United States of America. Almost all the sentiments I have expressed relating to England are also applicable to the United States, and, besides, there is no difference in the Far East in the interests and policy of England, the United States, and Japan. The Americans have shown their sympathy with Japan at this momentous hour in no less degree than Great Britain. I could wish that America would advance a step further, and enter into a more definite relationship with us. I understand that it is the policy of both the British and American Governments that they should keep up a close relationship, and I also understand that view is that of the thinkers of both nations, and in which they have already succeeded in convincing the vast bulk of their fellow-countrymen. There may perchance be some trifling difference of feeling now and then between some few particular individuals; but if there be such, they are, after all, like little differences of opinion between brothers and sisters or cousins. You cannot, after all, cut the natural bonds of Anglo-Saxon blood. Let, then, Great Britain and America be closely united, and allow Japan to stand by their side: it will be a sight worth seeing. Were England, America, and ​Japan, I say, to stand thus together in the Far East, that fact alone could not but be a great bulwark for the preservation of permanent peace and the furtherance of civilization, without in any way prejudicing the equitable rights and interests of other civilized nations.

I am told, and I also know, that the British are difficult to make friends with; but we also know that, when once they become friends, their friendship is constant and enduring. And so it is with the British nation at large. The present treaty of alliance is for five years, but I would fain it were made perpetual; nor is this merely for the interests of Japan. Suppose Japan were worsted in the war now waging, and Northern China fell into the hands of a certain other Power, what would be the result? British interests in the Far East would be gone. Either Japan should be crushed altogether, and another Power set up in her place in opposition to that other certain Power, or she should be taken care of and placed in a position to forward, side by side, the common interests of the civilized world, especially those of the Anglo-Saxon. There can be no half-way or vacillating measures, I am afraid. When this question is solved, the problem of the East will be solved for all practical purposes. Japan has now embarked on a great task. She thoroughly recognises its magnitude and gravity. She is, however, convinced that she is not fighting merely for personal political aims, but that she is fighting also in the interests of the whole civilized world; she is fighting for her own sake, of course, but at the same time she is carrying it on at the mandate of England and America, as it were, in the cause of civilization and humanity.