Japan by the Japanese/Chapter 21.1

One of the evil results of the feudal system was that labour was very much despised, and the labouring classes, whose social position was the lowest of all, enjoyed but few privileges. Since the abolition of the feudal system, however, the industries of the country having made rapid progress, things have totally changed, and the industrial system, which is the backbone of national strength, has begun to be gradually developed. As may be expected, this progress has, on the other hand, tended to cause industrial capital to fall into the hands of a few monopolists. Industrial progress, concentration of capital, and complete organization of the industrial system, have of late seriously engaged the attention of the Japanese. It is evident that the labour problem must always be closely connected with the study of these important questions, and it is needless to say that labourers constitute the principal factor in industrial progress. The important position of them in relation to industry has been long since recognised by the intelligent people of the country, amongst whom may be mentioned Baron Kaneko Kentaro, who, while he was the Minister for Agriculture and Commerce, endeavoured to draw up a scheme of factory legislation.

The war with China in 1894 brought great activity to the industry of Japan, and at the same time the demand for labourers rapidly increased. This increased demand for workmen has since then begun to give prominence to the labour question. Previous to the war there were indeed very few people who paid attention to the study of this question. The only incident of importance in connection with the labour question was the movement set on foot by Mr. Kentaro Oh-i, who, supported by his political following, made some attempts towards the solution of this question; but his efforts were by no ​means successful, owing to the lack of enthusiasm on the part of the workmen themselves. Any serious movements in connection with this question must therefore be said to have originated just after the war with China.

In the civilized countries of the world the labour question has become the chief and most important subject for solution, and is always occupying and troubling the minds of public men. President Roosevelt of the United States of America took the trouble to interfere, though it was against the presidential routine, in the great strike of labourers in that country. The German Emperor, too, has made speeches to workmen encouraging the election of labour members to Parliament. The elections held in some European countries and America distinctly show the gradual ascendancy of the labour party, and laws and regulations of the greatest importance passed in the legislative bodies of those countries are mostly connected with matters involving the interests of labourers. That labour problems are thus engaging the public mind, and that the labour party is gaining power everywhere, evidently show that a continuous activity is being carried on in industrial circles. Sooner or later the time will come when Japan, like other countries, must deal with various complicated problems in relation to labour. During the last few years I have been making investigations into this subject, and now I am in a position to give to those interested in such matters my opinion on the past, present and future position of the labour question in Japan.

All the labour organizations of modern character which exist in Japan, including such important bodies as the Iron-Workers’ and Printers’ Associations, came into existence after the war with China. The year 1897 was the year in which the labour question came most prominently to the front in the public affairs of Japan. Either because the question was very novel, or because its real nature was not clearly understood, the movement was apparently welcomed by the public at large, even the capitalists not appearing to raise any serious objections to it. The following are the principal incidents which have occurred during the last few years in connection with this question:

1897: June 25.—For the first time a meeting was held at the Seinenkai Hall in connection with the labour question, on which occasion Messrs. Sakuma, Matsumura, Takano, Katayama, and others, made speeches.

July 7.—The Rodo-Kumiai-Kiseikai, an association for assisting the promotion of labour organizations, was formed, and Messrs. Shimada, Abe, Tsuzuki, Hino, and Sakuma, were elected on the committee.

December 1.—A meeting for inaugurating the Iron-Workers’ Association was held in the same hall, where about 1,200 ​workmen met, and Messrs. Miyoshi, Shimada, and Sakuma addressed them.

On the same day a labour organ, the Labour World, was published.

1898: February 20.—The engine-drivers of the Nippon Railway Company were successful in a great strike against the company.

April 5.—An association called the Kyoseikai was organized by the engine-drivers of the company above mentioned.

October 1.—With a view to giving support to the labourers, Mr. Sakuma established a deposit bank called the Kokumin Chochick Ginko.

In the middle of this month a Government draft scheme for factory legislation was submitted to the High Council of Agriculture, Commerce, and Industry. The Rodo-Kumiai-Kiseikai opposed certain articles of the draft.

November 2.—Baron Kaneko made a speech in the Seinenkai Hall in connection with labour problems.

1899: March 5—The Printers’ Association was established.

May 17.—Mr. Shimada, M.P., was elected President of the Printers’ Association.

July 9.—Messrs. Shimada, M.P., Kanai, Kuwada, and Katayama addressed a meeting in the Seinenkai, which was summoned together by the Printers’ Association.

September.—Towards the end of the month the engine-drivers of the Kyushyu Railway Company made a strike. Mr. Kentaro Oh-i started a socialist movement in the city of Osaka, where he published a weekly paper called the Osaka Shu-ho.

December.—The Iron-Workers’ Association came into collision with the Nippon Railway Company. On the 27th an extra number of the Labour World was issued, condemning the actions of the company, which unjustly discharged its employés.

1900: February.—Police Regulations respecting the preservation of order were promulgated.

March.—The Industrial League established at Koishikawa, Tokyo, an independent co-operative iron-foundry.

September.—The Industrial Association was organized at Wakayama.

The Conductors’ League was organized by the conductors of the Tokyo Tramway Company.

1901: April 18.—The Engine-Drivers’ Association of the Nippon Railway Company convened a large meeting, at which it was decided to solve labour questions in accordance with the principles of Socialism.

April 30.—At the initiation of the Niroku Shimpo, a Tokyo daily paper, a great festive gathering was held at Muko-jima for the benefit of the working classes.

​May 20.—A social democratic party called the Shakwai Minshu-to was organized, but suppressed by the Government.

The stokers of the Hokkaido Railway Company made a strike.

June 3.—Another Social Democratic party, called the Shakwai Heimin-to, was organized, but put down by the authorities.

July 5.—The organizers of the Shakwai Minshu-to were acquitted.

September.—The Kansei Rodo Kiseikwai (an association aiming at the organization of labour societies), a similar institution to the Rodo-Kumiai-Kiseikai, was established.

December.—The Engine-Drivers’ Association of the Nippon Railway Company was broken up by force through the combined efforts of the company and the police.

1902: January 1.—The Labour World was turned into a daily paper under the name of the Naiguai Shimpo, but its publication was discontinued after three weeks.

March 15.—The Labourers’ League was organized.

April 2.—As the result of the prohibition of a labourers’ festive gathering, which was to be held at Muko-jima, a great demonstration was held in Kanda, where Messrs. Hatoyama, M.P., Urabe, and others, delivered speeches.

April 3.—The publication of the Labour World was resumed.

July 5.—A book on Socialism, called ‘Shinshakwai’ (New Society), by Mr. Humio Yano, was published.

Three thousand workmen of the naval dockyard at Kure came out on strike.

August 10.—During three weeks from this date, Messrs. Katayama and Nishikawa travelled in the north-east districts, making speeches on labour questions. In the middle of the month the ironsmiths of the Tokyo arsenal came out on strike.

September.—The Government issued an order including labour orations under the category of political speeches.

The above is a chronological statement of the chief events which have taken place during the last few years in connection with the labour question in Japan. The personages who have taken an interest in these movements make it possible to see what progress the question has been making of late.

The Labour World has for the last seven years been assuming a very progressive attitude towards the labour question, which it has endeavoured to study in the light of the principles of Socialism. On the other hand, the Printers’ Association had in view, when it was first established, the harmony and conciliation of capital and labour. Mr. Shimada, M.P., President of the association, assisted by Professors Kanai and Kuwada of the Imperial University, gave utterance to this effect, but their efforts to inculcate this view was a complete failure.

In the years 1898 and 1899 the labour question was taken up ​with fresh vigour. The movements undertaken in relation to it were throughout the country received with great public enthusiasm, which, however, did not produce the results expected, considering the unusual acclamation and curiosity shown by the public. During the next two years labour movements fared very badly, the period being one of confusion and disappointment. Although during this time the labour movement was energetically continued by the Socialists, who had their mouthpiece in the Labour World, the greatest difficulty must have no doubt been experienced by them. For the capitalists, who had hitherto assumed an indifferent attitude towards matters relating to labour, began to consider the establishment of labour societies would be injurious to their personal interests. They showed the greatest hostility to any movement likely to increase the power of the labour party, while they treated the labouring classes with severity and contempt, often bringing almost despotic pressure to bear upon them. This, combined with the bad economic condition of the country at that time, intensified all the more the wretched state of affairs amongst the working classes at large. In addition to this, the working classes were placed under a disadvantage by the issue of the Police Regulations for public peace already referred to, the operation of which was no doubt in favour of capitalists. As one of many instances to the enforcement of these regulations, a great festive gathering, to which allusion has already been made, proposed by the Niroku Shimpo for the benefit of the labouring classes, was prohibited. Thus, seeing what has occurred during the last few years, it must be admitted the position of the labour question in the past has by no means been a very satisfactory one. Now let us examine how the question stands to-day.

At present the interference of the Government and the opposition of the capitalists constitute the principal features to be noted in relation to the labour problem. It appears that the Police Regulations already referred to have struck an effective blow at the labour party—at least, for the time being. The working classes have been prohibited by these regulations from undertaking any movement under collective bodies, and making any demonstration against their employers in matters relating to wages and working hours. If there is any mention of a strike in a speech, or if there is any action suggesting the same in a labour movement, such speeches or actions are at present being summarily suppressed by the official agencies. Under these circumstances, the power of the various labour societies having become practically nil, their existence can hardly be called more than nominal. While the oppression with which the labouring classes are treated is thus increasing in severity, ​they are, on the other hand, feeling more and more the necessity of organizing themselves into a solid combination, which they have been unable to accomplish of late owing to the obstacles in their way. They evince the keenest desire for labour agitations in consequence of the very severe pressure brought to bear upon them by the capitalists, and also in face of the increasing difficulty of existence, which inevitably accompanies the social and economic progress of the country. Moreover, they are beginning to find reliable support in Socialism, and Socialistic movements are therefore heartily welcomed by them. Evidently there are in these phenomena the signs of a great revival of labour problems in the near future.

It may easily be foreseen that, as time goes on, the future aspect of the problem in Japan will be one of closer connection with political movements, for the Police Regulations now in force are not so severe with regard to political activities as they are towards labour movements. While the formation of a labour society is a difficult matter at present, there is no difficulty in organizing a political party. Under these circumstances, there is a natural tendency on the part of the labouring classes to come together under the banners of a political party in their attempts to make any movement under collective bodies, and gradually labour associations will be turned into political parties. Moreover, there is a strong reason for this tendency. This is the increasing influence of Socialism amongst the working classes, who have already begun to adopt its principles. In order to obtain its objects, Socialism will have to gain political support. In future movements, more efforts should be made in demanding a system of universal suffrage than in trying to bring about an increase of wages. A general agitation on a much greater scale, for demanding political power, should be more encouraged than isolated strikes for reducing the hours of the working day. All future movements must be of a political character, and the working classes should unite under a great political party with the object of counteracting the influence of the capitalists. No isolated movement against any particular capitalist or employer is to be recommended; on the contrary, it must be a contest of the masses against the classes. These are the methods, I think, which ought to be adopted in relation to the problems of the future, and by them alone can the difficult question be solved.